In the presently-waging culture war, there is no greater weapon at the Left’s disposal than sexuality. Traditionalists, frequently outmaneuvered by the Left’s dominance in the mainstream entertainment industries, have no convincing counter to the normalization of a hypersexualized youth culture. The common assumption is that the mainstream media simply reflects back at the culture all of the norms and values that the culture already exhibits, but when it comes to the ongoing sexual revolution, that isn’t quite the case. In her 2012 book, The Global Sexual Revolution: Destruction of Freedom in the Name of Freedom, Gabriel Kuby argues that the abolishment of sexual mores and the continuing push toward the normalization of extreme sexual behavior are explicit goals implemented by the ruling elite, and not merely some grassroots upsurge of depravity.
I had planned to review this some time ago, but several major events got in the way before I had the chance. Now, on the heels of Tuesday’s bizarre post on vasectomies, along with the recent news that President Trump has banned transsexual persons from military service, I figured now as good a time as any to get a quick review out for this work.
Gabriele Kuby is a German Catholic, and the book was originally published for a German audience. As a result, much of the book deals directly with policies, propaganda campaigns, and problems made by the European Union and the United Nations. However, as America has tried to imitate Europe to greater and greater degrees in the past decade, much of what she writes about can be seen here, as well.
After a short introduction, Kuby details the rise of sexual “freedom” through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the form of liberal rights doctrines, feminism, and the destruction of the English Victorian ethic. For a more detailed (and much longer) analysis and catalogue of the sexual revolutionary figures, E. Michael Jones’ Libido Dominandi—which Kuby references in her second chapter—is worth the read. In the meantime, Kuby distills down the important figures and briefly summarizes their schools of thought. Freud, Jung, Marx, Engels, Reich, and Kinsey all get special recognition, in addition to several others.
From here, Kuby quickly addresses feminism and its direct connection to the invention of gender and its subsequent deconstruction for political ends. The confusion over sexuality and gender, directly tied to the feminist assault on the pre-Modern Christian values of the West, were imperative toward pushing postmodern curriculums through the higher institutions of learning. As nearly all universities embraced Critical Theory and post-structuralism, gender studies and sexual confusion became political tools to keep students and faculty in a generalized state of Orwellian doublethink. Narrative supplanted reality and political correctness supplanted reason, all in the service of furthering a globalist agenda.
In general, modern conservatives are repulsed by the idea that an organized and systematic international agenda exists against any one nation or people. Americans in particular hold on to their distinct form of liberal-conservatism that, for the most part, values both the general ideas of Christian morality and the exaltation of personal liberty. As this attitude is projected against their neighbors, these conservatives find the oft-touted Globalist Conspiracy™ to be little more than a ridiculous fantasy taken from the pages of a science fiction novel. The problem is that such conspiracies are hardly unprecedented or fictional—the Communist International, for instance, and the early Bolshevik revolutionaries were extra-national organizations working toward a vague but identifiable utopic ideal. The Soviet Union’s propaganda campaigns, in addition to its widespread espionage network, were extremely active in the affairs of foreign governments and cultures toward propagating its own Marxist mythology. And less well-known, the proliferation of secret societies across nineteenth century Europe became such a danger to national sovereignty that every country in Europe banned from holding public office anyone who was found to have been a member of such clubs. All of these groups had something in common: they advocated the overthrow of the existing international order, and they wanted to replace it with a utopia based on Enlightenment principles of liberty, equality, and secularism. They were all basically communists.
With this in mind, it becomes harder to ridicule the organized attempt to force the nonsensical and arbitrarily defined notions of postmodern gender theorists on most of the world, especially given how absurdly blatant the effort is. In her fifth chapter, Kuby analyses the Yogyakarta Principles, a set of “29 arbitrary ‘rights’ based on reinterpretation and ‘further development’ of human rights”, mentioning how they are little more than “a call for privilege status for non-heterosexual minorities at the expense of the majority’s rights and civil liberties” (65). Activist guides—published and proliferated by extreme left-wing groups—help distill and promote these rights at rallies and marches, in order to force their agenda through and give the impression that there is a grassroots movement where none actually exists.
Using the Yogyakarta Principles as an excuse, the United Nations would make inroads into third-world and slowly-industrializing nations in order to implement a fundamentally Marxist program. The purpose? To crack down on the religious and cultural beliefs present in any given culture and drag them, often unwillingly, into the secularized world that serves the globalized UN agenda. The distribution of contraceptives in the third world countries served as an enormous attempt at population control that would make the fathers of eugenics programs proud—if it had worked. The rise of radical Islam, combined with the growing rate of Islamization across whole swaths of Asia and Africa, has combatted the UN’s efforts to proliferate its Marxist goals. Unfortunately, choosing between two such ideologies is effectively a lesson in swallowing poison. It might be zero-sum either way, but at least Islam has what resembles a cultural inheritance and a reason to live.
In any case, the threat of not adhering to these principles often results in the common Social Justice Warrior tactics that the Right is all too familiar with: “intimidation, defamation, and campaigns against therapists, speakers they dislike, and undesirable conferences to suppress any information about the possibility of altering LGBT orientation and behavior” (78). The ultimate goal is not just the social normalization of sexual deviancy and gender mainstreaming, but the criminalization of the opposition; Kuby writes that the last principle is concerned with implementing
“independent, effective state institutions […] for enforcing and monitoring the Yogyakarta Principles—a type of autonomous LGBTI police. All obstacles to criminalizing the opposition must be removed. What is being demanded here is the suppression and criminalization of any time of opposition to the elevation of the choice of one’s gender and sexual behavior to a universal norm, and the establishment of a surveillance state to enforce it.” (79)
Her chapters on education deal with the enforcement of gender studies and alternative sexual practices on primary and elementary school curriculums, using the present system of public schooling as an even greater tool of indoctrination. Echoes of this can be seen in the common core handbooks and teacher’s guides that became public knowledge a couple of years ago. Gender mainstreaming is already here and blatant, and, ironically, it is fervently defended by the people it hurts the most. The denial of treatment, cover-ups of successful therapy practices, and vast lying campaign to normalize unhealthy and promiscuous behavior have dispensed only disease and misery upon the communities that are publicized as calling for it the most.
In reading her book, the familiar Leftist pattern of generating violence out of an insignificant conflict in order to harness the reins of power becomes obvious. All across the West—the richest, most comfortable, most carefree civilization quite possibly in the history of the world—revolutionaries have all followed the same playbook for the last three generations. So if you find yourself wondering why your eight-year-old daughter has to learn about transsexuals, gender mores, and oral sex in school, remember that it’s because a bunch of sickos who want to run a world government are trying to normalize degeneracy in order to further their own political aims. Especially since there’s no sane American that wants such a gross aberration of propaganda to be labeled as education, but then again, it shouldn’t be much of a surprise these days. Public schools are answerable only to the bureaucratic body of the administrative state, not the taxpayers or the parents of the children that they indoctrinate.
As eye-opening as it is informative, Kuby’s book focuses more on the political and social consequences of this top-down enforcement of gender ideology, setting aside metaphysical and philosophical arguments about definitions that so-often muddle works on the subject. It deserves a more thorough review than I have time for here, but it’s certainly worth picking up. And, clocking in just under three hundred pages, it isn’t a major time-sink to read, either. Anyone who is planning to have kids would do well to give it a shot, as its chapters on education and the popular media serve as detailed warnings about the minefield of sexual confusion and depravity that government institutions have presented the present generation.